These first near-genocidal series of atrocities committed against the Armenian population were carried out during the reign of Abdul Hamid II, the last sultan effectively to rule over the Turkish state. The police responded to a demonstration held in Constantinople in September by Armenian political organizations which sought to pressure the government and the European Powers to implement the promised administrative reforms by letting loose a massacre in the capital city.
Thereupon a series of massacres spread south through nearly every major Armenian-inhabited town of the empire. To a last desperate attempt by Armenian revolutionaries to draw the attention of the world by seizing in Constantinople the European-owned Ottoman Bank in August , the government responded by unleashing wholesale reprisals during which five to six thousand Armenians were killed in the space of three days within sight of the European embassies.
Source: www. Abstractness cannot be equated with it; it is merely the grammar. Many illustrators of today are too little concerned with the actualities of their time. Too often they merely aid and abet the pre-sold illusion of the age. Weaver, "The state of the art of illustration might be compared to a thirld-world country; it has not yet gained control of its technology. Weaver, Der Zeichner hat 52 Postillone in diesem Reisebuch dargestellt. Haejun Jo has lived in Nuremberg between and These he sent to his father Donghwan Jo in Korea who translated them into a pictorial version.
Charles I. Hazem Alhamwi is both a visual artist and a film maker, author of the award winning documentary "From my Syrian Room". The black and white drawings and paintings were made in Syria and vary in size. The coloured paintings were made in Berlin and their size is ca. The technique is acrylic and ink, or ink only, respectively. The photo of Alhamwi shows him painting in his German room, in Berlin, in March In the first decade of the 19th century the bourgeoisie felt increasingly pestered by the exploding army of beggars and pedlars.
A royal commission of inquiry was appointed to remedy this, and in published a first Mendicity and Vagrancy Report. The fear that the London vagabondage could be a fading cultural asset had prompted John Thomas Smith to accompany the work of the commission with a visual documentation seeking to preserve for posterity the activities of pedlars and beggars. At the beginning of the 20th century, the Paris-based Czech artist Frantisek Kupka published some furious pictorial attacks against a prevailing mixture of unrestrained greed for profit, of militarism and imperialism; an explosive, which was mostly religious legitimized.
His commented cycle "Religions" appeared in in the anarchist magazine "Assiette au beurre". This work has a precursor in the religion-critical portfolio "The development of the idea of God" of the Left Hegelian artist Theodor Kaufmann. Both, Kaufmann and Kupka, were trained in a large time interval under the influence of Nazarene art, towards which they acted antithetical.
Whereas Kaufmann restricted himself mostly to an analysis of the Judeo-Christian faith, Kupkas global frame of reference was shaped by his preoccupation with Theosophical syncretism. Against this speculative background his understanding of the characteristics of non-European religious practices from today's point of view must appear as rather limited. On the other hand, some passages of the comments already reveal a strong interest in ethographical and archaeological research, that he would deepen in the following years. Zu Beginn des Seine kommentierte Bildfolge "Religions" war erschienen. The depiction of social conflicts, of strikes, riots and mobs was one of the main subjects of special artists and faits divers-painters at the turn of the century.
Some of them became masters of pictorial mass choreography and cataclysmic sceneries. It consists of a sequence of twenty etchings that were all made "after nature" and depict the most various kinds of rural housings for the poor on the periphery of the exploding metropolis of London. The places are specified as precisely as possible, and in two cases even the names of the residents are mentioned.
Furthermore, it includes an introductory essay by Smith dealing with - as the subtitles states - "Some observations, and Precepts relative to the Picturesque". Henrieke Ribbe belongs to the very few real masters in the empathic art of portraiture. Painting, as Henrieke says,"was the perfect medium for this task, because people who are generally uncomfortable in front of cameras were able to relax and open up, and were much more interested in and touched to have their portraits painted than their pictures taken, an acknowledgement of their accomplishments that the scrutinising lens of the camera does not convey.
It was Jake's job to herd the tom cat family into the studio. After that, Henrieke began to paint them. When she finished, she had captured one hundred faces in oil on canvases, each 60 x 50 cm. The club scene in Berlin is a lively and fast-changing landscape. Clubs pop up and diminish like fish in an underwater reef. It's all very colorful and divergent, and soon to be relegated to the vague and inaccurate oral history of the underground culture. Everything that isn't meticulously recorded in magazines and on the internet will generally be forgotten at some point, but it is exactly those places and moments that makes up the most integral and vital part of the scene, the crazy life behind the doors that say "employees only" on them.
In these places, photos and videos are considered an intrusion, but for Henrieke painting these portraits was intended "as a respectful tribute. After his retirement as a drawing teacher in Jan Vegter started to work intensely on the visualization of his memories of crucial periods of his life.
To focuse his memory performance he decided to build detailed scale models of certain technical and topographic conditions. This amazing series was the first example of his meticulous art of memory. It is divided into three sketchbooks and refers to his juvenile experience of the outbreak of World War II. His father was stationed then as a reserve-officer in the small town of Meppel, in the east of The Netherlands. He was able to bring along his familiy. In reality this "odd year" in Meppel lasted only a half-year, from December until April , when the threat of war increased in such a way that his father thought it was better to return the family back their home in Voorburg.
The series also covers the German invasion, the bombardment of Rotterdam and the first days of the occupation. All drawings are ink and color pencil. The varing sizes never exceed the sketchbook format 32 x 41 cm. The images are always on the right pages. The left ones have handwritten comments, translated here in English by Theo de Feyter. A few of them had to be slightly shortened for this pictorial. Rio was a pseudonym of Ralph Soupault , who became known in the s as the leading cartoonist of the French nationalist reaction.
Later on he joined the French fascist party PPF. Soupault was a supporter of the German occupying forces and became notorious for his anti-semitic propaganda. Pierre Laval, the former vice-president of the Vichy Regime was executed there in after a questionable treason trial, which was internationally taken for scandalous. Like his friend, the groundbreaking novelist Celine, Soupault was a supporter of the German occupying forces and became notorious for his anti-semitic propaganda. In January Soupault published a detention report consisting of thirty-seven commented drawings.
Here he developed a very peculiar graphic style consisting of an imaginative blend of mystical geometrical symbolism, cartoonish stereotypes and a detailled naturalistic approach. Reportage d'un temoin" appeared in a limited edition and was mainly distributed to his "friends and collaborators".
Soupault was released prematurely three years later due to health reasons. Afterwards, it was continued for one more year with a stricter conception in didactical terms under the patronage of Glavpolitprosvet GPP , a newly founded educational institution of the Ministry of Cultural Affairs. The hand-made propaganda picture prints were now outdated.
Their woodcut-like rhetoric no longer met the more complex communication demands of the development years and the party also distanced itself more and more from the initiatives of the Futurist avant-garde. Courtesy Gallery Thomas Flor, Berlin. The ROSTA graphics were not only influenced by the already declining art of the classical avant-garde, but also by the then highly topical culture of American daily strips. Communism and comics were not oppositional camps in the pre-Disney era, quite to the contrary.
Particularly the windows of Mikhail Cheremnykh reveal a conspicuous stylistic proximity to comic cartooning. The world he visualised reminds one more of Coconico Country populated by funny spinach sailors than of a country devastated by civil war, where kolkhoz farmers and Red Guards struggle for their existence. In February , caricaturist Mikhail Cheremnykh started an artistic campaign in an empty shop window with a visually designed report of the Bolshevist news agency ROSTA. Shortely thereafter the initiative was taken up by the popular poet Vladimir Mayakovsky. He selected most of the news items and prepared them for pictorial realisation.
They were organized in street gangs with special idioms and dress codes very similar to those of the London costermonger-subculture. More than In Stommeln baumelt der Darsteller schlussendlich vom Wirtshausschild herunter. The fair maidens standing at the door are actually "two young women, girls of the district," who scornfully tie his hand to the bolt of a door while his horse, Rosinante, takes to her hooves: in Stommeln, the actor is left dangling from the inn?
This stunt passes smoothly into the next: on the village green in front of the Trapp, Don Quixote is thrown from his horse at full gallop- and the mystery surrounding the movie? Xiaopeng Zhou, born in in Guangzhou, has studied art the the Academy of his hometown until , but is now living in Germany and about to complete his Master exam at Academy of Art Berlin-Weissensee.
The pictorial is an excerpt from his part series of reportage drawings created within four weeks - starting from this year's Bayram festivities, the fast breaking at the end of Ramadan - in Turkish and Kurdish butcher shops in Berlin-Kreuzberg. The first military conflict covered by the illustrated popular press after its foundation in May was a war in Afghanistan. But the depictions of the defeat of the British occupation forces in the Asian borderland, which was of equally vital strategical importance for the British as for the Russian Empire, were solely fictitious and reconstructive.
Also the events of the following Afghan war, which took place three decades later during the heyday of pictorial reporting, were only witnessed by very few of the special artists of the illustrated press on site.
Most of the sketches appearing in the international journals came from members of the military forces. Among the few artists who had the courage and the experience to enter the rough and difficult terrain was William Simpson, the doyen of professional war illustration and one of its most brilliant representatives. In Afghanistan, Simpson also continued the extensive ethnographic and archeological studies of Asian culture he had begun in the early s in India and in the Himalayas. The point was not unduly emphasized ; as a business man, Herr Salomon would not have condescended to enlarge upon so trifling an incidental matter as a change of religion, when material interests were at stake.
So one summer's day in the merchant-banker said good-bye to "the scapegrace," and in so doing handed him the first instalment of the annual " assist- ance " of five hundred thalers, which he had promised to allow his nephew in addition to the amount the latter's parents had agreed to disburse for the same purpose; and " the fool of a boy " replied politely, and protested with all the usual arrogant complacency of youth; and HEINE.
Notwithstanding many " snubbings," and a frequent coldness and tantalizing reticence, on the part of Amalie, he seems to have departed in perfect confidence that she would hearken to no other suitor, and that when he next appeared at his uncle's house with all his legal honours it would be as the betrothed husband of his cousin. The next two or three months at Diisseldorf were among the pleasantest in Heine's youth. His love for the Rhineland intensified, and in the intervals of his Latin and other studies preliminary to his college-career he had many opportunities of enjoyment.
Moreover he was already, in a small way, of some repute. Genius, fortunately, is as deceptive as heart- complaint : were it more prevalent it would doubtless prove as virulent among the young as consumption. However, like measles, it is harmless enough when in a mild form, and when the patient is in his or her teens.
Thus it was that Heine found himself spoken of as a poet on the strength of rumour, and to a certain extent on account of the Arndt and Uhland-like contributions to the 44 LIFE OF Hamburg Watchman and other prints. Many a dream he dreamt in those green alleys in the Schloss gardens, or when wandering with his friend and fellow-student, Joseph Neunzig, along the banks of the Diissel; and when the time came for him to leave for Bonn he was far more occupied with attempted rivalry of his favourite poets than eager for the mysteries of the Pandects.
Heine arrived in Bonn just in time to participate in the last of the Student-Guild demonstrations which the Prussian Government — the pettiest and least liberal that ever held sway in Europe — had determined to suppress. Among a crowd of enthusiastic youths, he ascended the Drachenfels by torchlight, and by the side of the huge bonfire lit upon the summit drank confusion to the foes of Germany.
A sonnet among his " Early Poems " "The Night-Watch on the Drachenfels" commemo- rates this event ; but after a vivid depicture of the scene he very characteristically concludes that the consumma- tion of his patriotic fervour was an exceedingly bad cold. At that time Bonn was the Oxford of the Germanic States. Not only were many famous men — including Augustus von Schlegel, the critic, philosopher, philologist, poet, and dramatist — professors of its faculties, but there were also among the students an earnestness and zeal which ultimately bore worthy results. The Romantic spirit was then flowing through all that was best in the collective genius of Germany, and fore- most among the intellectual stimulators of his time was the chief of the romanticists, Schlegel.
But Heine had other acquaintances at Bonn who exercised a more or less important influence upon his mental development. Chief among these were two fellow students named Simrock and Hundeshagen, the latter of whom was also his private tutor. Even as a youth Simrock had made an enthusiastic study of Old German literature, and as Hundeshagen was equally versed in mediaeval aesthetic history, Heine could not have had better guides and comrades in his poetic pil- grimage.
The " Nibelungen-Lied " was at that time the absorbing topic. Schlegel lectured upon its manifold beauties ; students annotated and wrote upon it ; poets imitated or derived from it. With the "Nibelungen- Lied," the "Chanson de Roland," and other relics of the Carlovingian Cycle, and "Ossian,''all attracting the at- tention, admiration, and argument of literary Europe, it would have been strange if the intellectual and eager band of young men at Bonn had not responded to the Romantic war cry.
Even in his criticisms of so universally criticized works as the " Nibelungen-Lied " he was entirely original. To the delight and admiration of his friends, Heine's " Junge Leiden " came swift upon each other, and a few intimates spread the rumour of the fine quality of a play in progress which in due time would astonish the world under the title of " Almansor. From the very outset, however, he took little or no interest in legal study, and treated it very much as the Irish peasant takes care of his pig — by leaving it to take care of itself.
When the ensuing summer arrived at last, and the time came for professors and students to disperse whitherso- ever they would, Heine bade good-bye to his comrades, and with his small amount of luggage, and a large accu- mulation of manuscript, migrated to the pretty little village of Beul on the opposite side of the Rhine. It cannot have been altogether voluntarily that, knapsack on back, he tramped north-westward through Westphalia to " respectable Hanover," though doubtless the prospect of change and intellectual variety had its fascination.
At Gottingen he greatly missed the literary atmosphere to which he had been accustomed at Bonn, but in the friendly interest of the justly famous Sartorius he found some compensation. He had not been a week in the decayed old town ere he perceived the parochialism and absurdity of the general routine of life, and as Heine could never refrain from satire when anything was disagreeable to him, his keen eyes took note of all the susceptibilities and shortcomings of the place and its inhabitants.
Readers of the " Harzreise " will know to what amusing use he put those experiences. But if the literary and social fascinations of Bonn were adverse to legal studies, scarcely less so were the rigid pedantry and stupidity of the educational methods at Gottingen. Heine laboured through his duties very perfunctorily, and devoted much more time to " Almansor " than to Gains or Justinian.
Indifferent as he was to the purse-proud and family-proud noodles of the student clubs, and careful as he was to avoid disputes with strangers, he one day found a quarrel forced upon him by an arrogant Junker, The latter had dogmatized offensively upon the Student's Code of Honour, which Heine had in turn scornfully alluded to as leges barba- rorum : and the upshot was that, after a gross insult which he could not overlook, Heine challenged his adversary to a duel with pistols.
The affair was nipped in the bud by the rumour of it having reached the authorities. The Junker dxA his seconds were sentenced to a brief term of imprisonment, and the more innocent, though as challenger more officially reprehensible, party received consilium abeundi. Here, then, was a golden opportunity to betake him- self to Berlin, and one that he determined not to let slip. Berlin, dull, pedantic, a baby city swathed in red tape, as it was, was yet at that time the centre of the keenest intel- lectual life of Germany. Again, he felt certain that in Berlin he would make much swifter progress with his law studies ; and, finally, he was eager to make use of the introductions which had been promised him by Schlegel and others, particularly those to the Varnhagens, whose salon was then the foremost place of literary meeting in Germany.
Almost from the first day of his arrival in the Prussian capital things began to go well with him. At the houses of the Varnhagens and of Elisa von Hohenhausen he met every one of intellectual repute, and formed friend- ships which were of immediate as well as ultimate value. One of the most valuable of his introductions, however, was, curiously enough, from his Hamburg uncle. This was to a Jewish merchant named Moses Moser, who, although deeply engaged in business, was a man of ex- ceptional culture and intellectual attainments.
A disciple of Hegel, he was yet as familiar with belles lettres as with philosophy; and, though a metaphysician, was also a shrewd man of the world. What mattered much to Heine was that Moser moved in the best literary circles of Berlin, and that from the outset he did his best to serve his young acquaintance. The two remained lifelong friends; and much of our knowledge of the mental experiences of the poet is derived from the long and frequent letters which in youth and manhood he addressed to his friend.
Moser soon gauged Heine's nature, and his advice and help were often to the point. Even the law lectures were no longer provocative of deadly ennui — but then the professor was no other than Edward Gans, the brilliant Jewish convert whom Hegel considered his most promising disciple. Under the influence of Gans, Heine rapidly acquired a keen philosophical interest in jurispudence, and he even projected, and to some extent proceeded with, a legal treatise upon the historical public law of the Middle Ages. Like many another ambitious scheme from the same fertile but inconsequent brain, this treatise came to naught.
He also attended the lectures of Niebuhr upon Roman history, of Bock upon classical antiquities, and of Nean- der upon theology. These eminent professors were by no means all the famous men whom Berlin University could then boast. Bopp, the great philologist, lectured upon comparative philology ; Von der Hagen upon early German literature ; and Wolff upon the ancient literature of Greece.
None, however, had greater influence upon Heine than Hegel. It was not until many years after he had left Germany that he admitted the extent and depth of this influence. The personality of the great philosopher, however, did not attract him. Alluding to his impressions after the first lecture he heard the philosopher deliver, lie writes : " I saw how Hegel with his comico-serious face sat as a brood hen on the fatal eggs atheism and I heard his cackling ; to speak fairly I seldom understood him, and only at last by subsiequent recollections did I arrive at an understanding of his words.
I believe he did not desire to be understood, and hence his involved fashion of exposition. I, being a young man of twenty-two, and having just eaten well and drunk my coffee, spoke with enthusiasm of the stars, and called them the abodes of the blest. The stars are only a brilliant eruption on the firmament. At this hospitable salon no political or religious differences were allowed to interfere with intel- lectual and social intercourse, and here it was that Heine spent many of his happiest hours. The hosts were Varnhagen von Ense and his wife Rahel. Heine, like almost every one who came in contact with her, was fascinated by her sympathetic insight, her grace of demeanour and diction, her geniality and nobility of nature.
All his life he never ceased to look upon Rahel Varnhagen as the noblest woman of her period. Varnhagen himself exercised much the same potent attraction upon those who were admitted to his intimacy. While a thorough man of the world, he was an ardent liberal, and an enthusiast in the cause of the people. As a writer upon military history he was the friend of the Court party, and so was able to exert considerable influence in many directions.
He and his wife were from first to last staunch friends of the young poet, and did him good service in divers ways. At this lady's house, where he met nearly all the poets and writers of the day, he was always welcome. The Baroness believed in him as the German Byron, and was never happier than when he would consent to read aloud some of his poems, or passages from his MS. Through Varnhagen, however, an offer reached him from the editor of the chief literary paper, the "Gesellschafter," and very thankfully the young poet agreed that a series HEINE. The appreciation it encountered was em- phatic, and the name of Heine was spread abroad : one editor of a poetical record even included him among the leading younger poets.
It did not bring any cash to the author, but it procured him — what was then of great importance — a definite position. From many authors, moreover, he received welcome and encouragement. Perhaps nothing in this way pleased him more than a letter from Baron de la Motte Fouqud, the author of " Undine," which, along with the most cordial expres- sions, warned the young poet against undue dalliance with grotesque or exaggeratedly gloomy subjects. Heine replied in a letter breathing admiration and gratitude in every line, nor did he ever forget the warm words which were voluntarily sent to him by the veteran writer.
Notwithstanding the pleasant society in which he mixed, his many literary projects, and his improving prospects, Heine would seem to have been by no means so happy at this period as his biographers have made out. In an inscription to Rah el Varnhagen in a copy of his maiden volume, he alludes to her patient sympathy with " the poor, sick, bitter, morose, poetic, and unen- durable man," and elsewhere he mentions his prevalent 64 LIFE OF despondency. He had, however, the genuine poetic temperament of swift respondence to the mood of what- ever companion he might be with, and of intense susceptibiHty to all extraneous influences.
His cousin, Hermann Schiff, has recorded of him that he was at this time somewhat taciturn in general demeanour, though animated in the presence of ladies ; that he spoke with a light voice and in a deliberate and rather monotonous tone ; and that in appearance he was slender and youthful, with face pale and smooth as an olive, though with a prevalent look of fatigue. Among other than distinctly literary acquaint- ances with whom Heine became intimate in Berlin was his loyal friend of after days. Count Eugen von Breza. It was in the country residence in Posen of this com- panion that he spent some pleasant weeks in the summer of At this period the dominant literary influence in Berlin was that of Sir Walter Scott.
That of Byron had waned somewhat : that of Goethe had become more and more exclusive. The songs and poems of Schiller, Uhland, Chamisso, and other poets had lost something of their stimulus through familiarity, and the Romantic epoch was in its decadence. The Neo-Romantic move- ment was at hand, but till Heine's voice became a power it had few results. That Lessing and Goethe, two of the greatest literary factors of the modern world, should be neglected for a foreign romancist, however eminent, seemed to him a dismal prognostication for Ger- man literature Nevertheless it was undoubtedly under the more or less direct influence of Scott, of the foreign wave of Romantic sentiment led by the great Scottish poet-novelist, that he wrote his tragedies "Almansor" and "Ratcliff".
To these two plays I shall return presently : meanwhile a few words must be devoted to the poems. The Dream-Pictures, the Sefchen poems as they might be called by a biographer, have been already alluded to. They are powerful and imaginative exercises, but in form are imitative and, indeed, are essentially to some extent derivative. Yet they are none the less original and idiosyncratic ; from the bent of mind of which they are indices Heine, moreover, never wholly diverged. Dig the grave deep and long," as out upon the lonely moor she delves the sods that are soon to rest above his body.
The few Lieder are sweet and graceful, but are not specially distinctive. Heine, Berlin. Bowring's admirable translation. The two addressed to his mother are full of genuine affection, but there is more of Heine in the Fresco Series. One of these might serve as a modi- fied "apologia pro viti sua.
For when Good Fortune's wreath of Life's best flowers Is smitten by the hand of adverse Fate, And shattered at our feet lies all forlorn ; And when the heart within the breast is torn. Torn, broken, cleft in twain, and desolate — Why, shrill, ironic laughter still is ours! Neither is without merit; " Almansor," indeed, seems to me at any rate a very much finer production than it does to Mr. Stigand and other English commentators. The only adequate essay upon this play is that by Saint-Rend Taillandier, to which I would recommend all who wish to know more about "Almansor" and "RatcHff.
But the real germinal influence which resulted in " Ratcliff " was that of Sir Walter Scott : in form this earliest drama took after Schiller's " Robbers. The hero, consumed with a hopeless passion for the fair Maria, goes to London, and with an expedition that would have de- lighted a Carolinian rake, gets quit of his substance, takes to highway robbery, and generally misbehaves himself. He kills his rivals in love in an ingenious if bloody fashion, ultimately elopes with the repentant Maria, but, on interception, stabs that sentimental damsel, performs the same deed upon his last remain- ing rival, and finally commits the happy despatch by means of a handy pistol.
With all its crudities and in- congruities, however, it is not devoid of some striking passages. Notwithstanding Heine's self-asserted pos- session of "that wonderful intuition which renders an objective reality quite unessential to the poet," his HEINE. The scene is laid in Spain in the fifteenth century, some years after the fall of Granada. Almansor is the last remaining scion of a noble Moorish family, and his affec- tions are centred upon a beautiful girl named Zuleinia.
Death and madness, murder and passion, are the factors here as in " Ratcliif," but the movement is more digni- fied, the action more dramatic, the background more picturesque in itself and much more deftly wrought. Heine knew the aesthetic and dramatic value of inci- dental strains of wild or pathetic music, and as in " Rat- cliff " he introduced with effect the refrain of a weird Scottish ballad, so in " Almansor " the harp-player strikes an ominous note at a crucial moment.
Ignorant of imminent doom at the hands of the infuriated moun- taineers — for Pedrillo has not yet startled the company with his shrill scream of terror, " Allah, have pity upon us I Jesus, Mary, Joseph! We are lost! They come!
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Low within this basin float roses in full bloo? There is a prefatory dedicatory note to "Almansor,'' wherein the author writes : " Do not consider that this poem which I inscribe to you is absolutely fantastic. I would have you note that it is by turns calmly epical or violently dramatic. Here and there, betwixt the epi- sodes, blooms many a lyric flower with fragrant heart. The whole is written, as the saying is, from my heart.
Henceforth the iron is in the soul of the singer. The poems and snatches of song — fragmentary, and yet each as exquisitely complete as a noctirne by Chopin or a Swedish folkstrain by Grieg — are sixty-five in number. That of the Pine and Palm has been oftener translated into English than any other of Heine's poems. I have selected Miss Bessie Craigmyle's version as the one that seemed to me best.
And of a Palm it dreameth, That, in a southern land, Lonely and silent standeth Amid the scorching sand. Only Shelley, among all the plaintive choir who have sung with their " breast up-till a thorne," could so have given voice to his secret pain. In the wondrously-lovely month of May. When I look into thine eyes.
Lean thy cheek against my cheek. On the wings of song. A Pine-tree standeth lonely. BUT for the great sorrow of the marriage of his Geliebte — that deep wound which never wholly healed — Heine's two years in Berlin were among the pleasantest of his life. Intellectually as well as physically he lived every moment. Had he, indeed, been more chary of abandon to the manifold excitements and pleasures which lay in wait for him, he would probably have saved himself much after-bitterness and pain.
But at last the nervous headaches which had com- menced in childhood became more frequent and more intolerable. He realized that a change was necessary ; nor did he disguise from himself the fact that he was doing nothing towards adoption of a definite profession. By this time, moreover, his family was in straitened circumstances. His parents had had to leave Diissel- dorf, and had ultimately settled in the dull little town of Liineburg, where they lived partly on their own small capital, and partly on the assistance given by Salomon Heine.
Here Heinrich determined to go for awhile, to recoup his strength and to think over his prospects. Departure signified the renunciation for a time of the society which had meant so much to him, of the friends in whom he had so delighted, of the literary stimulus which had been so invaluable. Moreover, he was now no longer a no- body — merely a clever Jewish youth with creditable introductions. He had made his mark, not less surely though limitedly. His repute had not spread throughout the country, though in the Rhineland he was known not only as a poet, but as a Berlin correspondent and as an able and fearless reviewer.
It did not render the home-going more enticing in pros- pect that his writings met with little or no appreciation from his relatives ; even his mother lamented that her Harry was not in some reputable trade or honourable profession. At Liineburg a deep depression settled upon him. He could not then see his way to making a living by litera- ture ; he had the utmost aversion from business ; and for the profession of medicine he was not capable ; while for that of the law, for which he cared little, it would be necessary to discard the Jewish faith and embrace Chris- tianity.
From the outset Heine disliked the idea of apostasy, yet he could not but be influenced by the urgent parental and avuncular advice which almost daily admonished him to look to " the main chance," particu- larly as in Berlin he had seen examples of conversion 64 UFE OF among the most able of the Jews who there fought their hard fight against Prussian prejudice and bigotry. More and more fascinating became the idea of a migra- tion to Paris, but, alas, the wherewithal necessary to begin life in an alien land was not forthcoming. It was economy that kept Heine so long in Liineburg.
Even the correspondence with the Varnhagens and other valued Berlin friends, and the inexhaustible kindness of his friend Moser in sending him books, periodicals, news- papers, and all the literary gossip of the day, proved insufficient to dispel the despondency which came upon him in the City of Ennui, as he called the stagnant capital of the old Duchy. Even physically the change from Berlin wrought little good.
It became evident to every one that he was ailing, and he met with no opposition from his father when he declared that get to the bracing sea-air he must, as otherwise he should soon be unfit for legal or any other studies. When this determination was backed up by medical advice, it was agreed that he should go to Cuxhaven for a few weeks. But how to get the needful funds? Heine had not saved a farthing, had, indeed, left a few small debts in Berlin : so he determined to make another application to his uncle, and in person.
It was with feelings of poignant regret and remem- brance that the young poet found himself once more in hated Hamburg, the city of his first passion, the place where Amalie had won his love, played with it, and dis- carded it as an outworn toy. Greatly to his chagrin he encountered his uncle Salomon just as the latter was about to leave Hamburg on some business journey. Heine lingered in Hamburg for a day or two, all the time tantalized and fascinated by, though wretched in, the renascence of his old emotions.
Through the day- light hours he wandered listlessly about, thinking of Amalie, now with tears, now with bitter upbraidings. Sometimes he would meet one of the family-connection who would sneer at the " stupid one of the family " and at his prospects, his "poetry stuff" and his literary aims, but who went away with an unpleasant smarting of the moral hide, for Heinrich's wit had now become as keen as a razor and his satire as bitter as gall, and he never lost an opportunity of stinging comment or scathing sarcasm. The poetical outcome of this visit was the series of passionately sad songs forming part of that section of the " Buch der Lieder " known as the " Heimkehr " the Home-Coming, the Return — the genuine outflow of a heart filled with sorrow and bitterness.
From his letters to Moser and other friends it can be seen that he suffered even more than is manifest in his verse ; and it is quite certain that the love-poems of the " Heimkehr " were not mere " literary agonies," as one of the poet's enemies publicly urged. The most pathetic of these snatches of song, for they are seldom more than three or four verses, and sometimes consist merely of a quatrain, are Nos. Frequently, however, there is a note of cynical bravado or of mockery, as in No.
The lyric suddenly becomes poetry. I'he last two quatrains describe how " the little sister " tells the fate of the puppy when grown to doghood, and how, as she speaks, the poet suddenly sees in her smile and in her dark eyes the vision of his lost love. No translation can adequately convey, to the reader ignorant of German, the piathos, the haunting melancholy of those hopeless little love- songs. The fresh salt breezes of the North Sea wrought a temporary cure, and Heine took long walks along the Cuxhaven sand-dunes, bathed, sailed, and generally HEINE, 67 enjoyed himself without having to pay the penalty of in- sufferable headaches.
The latter was a quarrel with his uncle on a breach of agreement, but after much resentment on both sides Herr Salomon was at last convinced that he was in the wrong. The outcome of this unpleasant affair was a determina- tion on Heine's part to free himself as soon as possible from the state of dependency upon his uncle which was so distasteful to him ; he would even voluntarily agree to apostasy, or to anything in reason, in order to gain a livelihood.
In this strain he wrote to his friend Moser, who gave him in return wise counsel against precipitancy and petulance, and particularly urged him to be more heedful m the exercise of his biting wit. But otherwise how delightful it was at Cuxhaven! What a revelation the sea was to the young poet! From the very first day when he saw it in solitary majesty for the salt water he had seen from Hamburg was " a mere mer- cantile fluid" his heart responded to its music, its sig- nificance, its mystery.
Eye, nor ear, nor mind ever tired by those sandy dunes, that pebbled strand, those weed- haunted shallows, those ceaseless waves, that rhythmic unending utterance so full of meaning and yet so inex- 68 LIFE OF plicable ; that broad expanse of moving waters whereon great ships passed with every wind, and wherefrom at sunrise and sundown the brown-sailed fishing smacks made for the havens along the shore ; where at night the moon laid her Jacob's-ladder to dreamland and the stars trailed serpentine scintillations from deep to deep ; where there was peace, and rest, and inspiration, forgetfulness or calm amelioration of past sorrows, phantasmal visions, exhilarating desires, hopes, determinations.
From that time onward the passion for the sea entered into Heine's being, and became a part of, a motive force in, his genius. He loved it as no German poet had ever done before him, as not even any English poet, with the exceptions of Shelley and Byron, had loved it. He was not to write his finest sea poems till he went to Norderney, but even this first visit to the North Coast was eventful in song.
Sing me dead, caress me dead, Drain my life with kisses tender. The latter, indeed, is probably the most widely known of all Heine's poems. It has been translated into every European and several Asiatic languages, and has been set to music scores of times by German, English, French, and Russian composers. As a poem it is as typical of its author's genius as any short single example could be : the touch of pathos, the poetic atmosphere, the romantic feeling, and, as much as anything else, the sudden note of mockery — as if the poet were laughing sardonically at having so deeply enlisted the reader's sympathies — all reveal the real Heine.
This lyric could hardly have been written by any poet of Heine's time save Goethe or Uhland. But Goethe would have shuddered at the closing discord as something entirely alien to the calm of true art; while the most charming of sentimentalists could never have sung of so pretty a romance with such a disillusioning "aside. It is, morever, so typical of a kind of poetry wherein its author has never been equalled, much less surpassed, that room must be found for an English version of it.
On the whole the best translation which I have encountered is that by Mr. Stigand, though it may very properly be objected that " And many pretty pearls, k 70 LIFE OF my love," is not quite the same thing as " Und manche schone Perle " — schone having a much finer significance than is conveyed by " pretty. Oh, lay thy head upon my heart. Have not such fear of me ; Thou trustest day by day thyself Unto the wild, wild sea. My heart is like the sea, it hath Its storm, and ebb, and flow ; And many pretty pearls, my love.
Rest in its depths below. For heroic blank verse Heine had little original faculty, and, to judge from the sparsity of his HEINE, 71 poems in this metre, but slight inclination. The lyrical impulse was at all times dominant with him. On the other hand, there is convincing proof, even in the " Buch der Lieder," that he was in no wise dependent upon rhyme. Some of his finest as well as longest poetical productions are in blank verse cast in octosyl- labic trochaic quatrains, or in the irregular measures of the North Sea Cycle.
In the fine poem entitled "Donna Clara" — where, I think, it is hypercritical to discover Heine's passion for Amalie— the poet has given vent to that bitter irony which was so often with him an over- mastering impulse. When the six weeks at Cuxhaven had come to an end, Heine found himself in Hamburg again en route for Liineburg. His original idea of mooting to his uncle his project of a migration to Paris was, he realized, now im- practicable : had he even hinted at such a thing the wrath of the old banker would have been extreme.imtilongwestdu.ml/why-not-an-english-major-why-not.php
Dan Wyman Books German Judaica BIBLIOGRAPHY 1
So there was nothing for it but to return to Gottingen in due course, and there endeavour to obtain the degree of a doctor of law. Moreover, there was alwavs the chance of an official appointment through 72 LIFE OF influence, after his formal conversion or even of a pro- fessorate.
As for the return to the University of Gottin- gen, he knew that he would probably make more way with his studies in that dreary resort than at Berlin, or even than at Bonn. The three ensuing months were spent with his family at Luneburg, not voluntarily, but for lack of funds, as the new allowance from his uncle was not to take effect till after the New Year. It was near the close of the third week in January, , that Heine left Luneburg for Gottingen, where he arrived on the 22nd, and by the end of the month was again a student in the famous Hanoverian university.
The spring of was passed mainly in close study, varied with exercises in imaginative prose and poetry, the most important of which was the uncompleted romance, "Rabbi von Bacharach," that powerful and picturesque fragment which was one of the most con- scious outcomes of its author's " Juden-Schmerz. Edelmann claims that Nordhoff ensured, as a result of his Catholic social beliefs, that the forced laborers at his plant were treated properly. However, the sources that she uses to support this claim are weak, consisting primarily of statements by character witnesses at Nordhoff's denazification hearings.
In the same vein, Edelmann claims that Opel did not produce military hardware. However, given the importance of the Opel Blitz truck for the Wehrmacht's logistics, this assertion rings hollow. Nordhoff's prominent position in the wartime economic structure caused him difficulty after the war. He received a preliminary clearance from the Allies in October However, soon afterward the U. Helped by the intervention of prominent GM managers from Detroit, Nordhoff was finally given his Persilschein in November By then, he had already embarked on what would become the most important part of his career.
On November 20, , Nordhoff became general director of Volkswagen. The massive plant had been built by the Nazi government in the late s to manufacture the small people's car that had been designed by Professor Ferdinand Porsche. The factory was actually used during the war to produce components for military aircraft and other items for the armed forces.
When Nordhoff appeared in Wolfsburg, he was impressed by the fact that the facility was far larger than was necessary and by the poor quality of the few Volkswagens that had been produced under the supervision of the British occupiers. He decided to rectify these problems by increasing production volume and improving quality. He automated the production line and reorganized management on a line and staff basis. He determined early that if Volkswagen operated at capacity, the West German domestic market would not be able to absorb all of its output.
Therefore, the firm would have to export. During the s, Volkswagen was both a beneficiary and a motor of the economic boom that took place. Rather than tracing chronologically Nordhoff's activities during this period, it might be more enlightening to look at a few themes which crystallize his ideas. Probably the most important was his application of his Catholic social concepts to Volkswagen. In this respect, Edelmann undoubtedly presents an accurate picture.
Nordhoff held Volkswagen aloof from the national contracts that industries signed with the labor unions. Instead, he insisted on Haustarife , contracts agreed with the local union branch, in this case the metal workers. Instead of using this approach to pay lower wages, as one might expect, Nordhoff used this method to pay wages above the national average and to extend to his employees generous benefits.
He began immediately in by granting VW employees free lunches and by promising them job security in the following year. Later, they received free health insurance, death insurance, and sick pay; they were given access to the company's vacation hotel in the Harz and could obtain interest-free loans to build homes or overcome emergencies. Heavy laborers received free milk. Workers were granted relocation allowances when transferred, discounted sales on VW automobiles and, what was most appreciated, discounts on purchases of gasoline.
Beyond all this, as the company's sales mushroomed, the employees frequently received bonuses. Yet there was another side to this solicitous policy. Nordhoff was essentially an autocrat. He opposed codetermination when that issue was raised by the unions in the early s. He also opposed the forty-hour week. Another interesting aspect of Nordhoff's activities, which also throws light on his essentially undemocratic tendencies, was his relationship with Ludwig Erhard.
On most fundamental issues, Nordhoff agreed with Erhard. But he disagreed with the economics minister on many practical matters. Nordhoff thought that Erhard's liberalization of the German domestic market in was the critical factor that lead to the subsequent boom. In November , he supported Erhard against the general strike launched against the economics minister by the unions.
When the question arose whether Erhard's economics ministry or the finance ministry should be made responsible for Volkswagen, Nordhoff stated his preference for Erhard. In , Nordhoff supported Erhard's effort to pass a law regulating cartels. However, he opposed Erhard's efforts to influence his policies at Volkswagen.
In , he rejected Erhard's call to cut prices, part of the minister's effort to prevent inflation. Most importantly, Nordhoff disagreed with Erhard over how Volkswagen should be privatized. When the Bundestag passed a law providing for the privatization of Volkswagen in , Nordhoff was pleased. However, he did not approve of the model that Erhard proposed for the implementation of this measure. Erhard wanted Volkswagen to offer its stock at a low par value so that the firm's employees could buy some for themselves, giving them a stake in the company's future and allowing them to accumulate capital.
Nordhoff doubted that most Volkswagen workers would be interested and was unsettled by the prospect that his employees would, in effect, become at least part owners of the firm and therefore become his employers. This opinion led Nordhoff to favor continued state ownership. Ultimately, as is well known, Volkswagen was only partially privatized, with the federal government and the state of Lower Saxony retaining substantial blocks of shares while a foundation was created to dispose of the firm's profits.
Nordhoff's record as manager was clouded by his inability to chart a strategy for the company's future. Nordhoff did not overcome the problem of finding replacements for the air-cooled Beetle. He was interested primarily in maintaining a high volume of sales.
Since demand for the Beetle remained strong well into the s, his stance seemed justified. Moreover, he was not interested in technological innovation for its own sake, a laudable trait that differentiated him from managers at other German engineering firms. However, it should have been clear that a new model would be needed as public tastes changed, standards of living rose, and as competitors offered improved types.
Yet, Nordhoff starved the design department of talent, failing even to give it a chief for years. Edelmann understates this problem by pointing to the and models as innovations. In fact, they were just Beetles with larger engines, improved running gear and less Spartan interior appointments. Nordhoff was also unable to groom a successor, although he spoke repeatedly of the need to nurture young talent.
One prospect whom Nordhoff brought along was Karl Hahn. However, Nordhoff became disenchanted with his favorite when Hahn attempted to introduce American marketing techniques to Germany. Indeed in , Nordhoff said glumly that it was unlikely that a successor for him would be found within the VW organization.
The managing board solved this problem for him by appointing Kurt Lotz one of its number in with the clear intention of grooming him to succeed the aged and sick Nordhoff. Lotz set the process in motion that resulted in the production of four cars with water-cooled engines, one of which, the Golf, became the immensely successful successor to the Beetle.
A final theme is the lack of profitability at Volkswagen. Except for the s, when market conditions were especially favorable, Volkswagen has rarely earned a profit. In Spring , when Nordhoff became general director of the company, Volkswagen was losing money. The problem reappeared in Although sales continued to increase, profits did not follow.
The cause was exceptionally high labor costs due to Nordhoff's generous social policy. In and , when sales actually declined as West Germany experienced a mild recession, the company fell into a serious crisis. Nordhoff and his lieutenants delayed reducing production and laying off employees. During , when demand for automobiles increased and sales of Volkswagens rebounded, Volkswagen still could not earn a profit. Its bloated, expensive workforce and its reliance on an antiquated model were the causes.
Heidrun Edelmann provides the observer interested in post-war West German business history with a book jammed with information and leads, most of which she does not exploit. Her account helps us understand why Volkswagen, one of the largest automobile manufacturers in the world, to this day can barely earn a modest return even when operating at full capacity.
Nordhoff's policies, continued by managers such as Daniel Goeudevert, have burdened the company with unbearable labor costs. Moreover, Edelmann's book offers us a glimpse into the reasons why the German economy as a whole has become uncompetitive. The highest paid workers in the world work the fewest hours annually of any workers in the world. No level of efficiency and innovation can offset these handicaps. Ironically, Heinz Nordhoff, an icon of German industry, is as much responsible for this situation as any politician or union leader.
Citation: Alfred C. Jahrhundert hervorgetreten, hat sich den bayerischen Parlamentarismus vor vorgenommen. Er gliedert seine Darstellung in zwei Teile. Drei Phasen gilt es ihm zufolge zu differenzieren: 1. Der Autor verschenkt dabei auch sich bietende Chancen: denn selbst der letzte Landtag, der am Auch wartet der Autor bisweilen mit kurios anmutenden Details auf.
Er bleibt dem Freistaat verpflichtet und schert sich nicht um den Rest. Da wurde das Reihen-Konzept als veraltet gescholten und eine Neubesinnung angemahnt. Beck, Citation: Ewald Grothe. Petra von der Osten. ISBN Das erste der vier Kapitel der Studie befasst sich mit der unmittelbaren Nachkriegszeit und den Versuchen des Vereins unter den Bedingungen britischer Besatzung der Vereinssitz lag und liegt in Dortmund in der NS-Zeit verlorenes Terrain wiederzugewinnen.
Im zweiten Kapitel schildert die Autorin dann die langwierigen Auseinandersetzungen um die Wiederetablierung bzw. Der "katholischen Seite" war es gelungen, im Bundesinnenministerium bzw. Zentrales Anliegen des Vereins auf gesetzgeberischem Gebiet war die Schaffung eines sog. Ab galt in der Bundesrepublik ein im Bundessozialhilfegesetz verstecktes Bewahrungsgesetz. Als Verfassungsfeinde galten in jenen Jahren doch ganz andere!
Zumindest die Umbenennung in "Sozialdienst katholischer Frauen" war recht lange und kontrovers diskutiert worden. Auch erreichte die Fachdebatte zur Reform der Heimerziehung den Verein lange vor der "Heimkampagne" der Studentenbewegung. Gleichzeitig wurde es immer schwieriger, ehrenamtlich Arbeitende zu gewinnen. Eine Doktorandin hat das gute Recht, sich ihr Thema einzugrenzen. Doch dieses Manko durchzieht die ganze Studie. Sozialarbeit, in der die Adressaten der Hilfe kein Thema sind. Pertti Ahonen. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Noch vor wenigen Jahren schien es so, als wuerden die Vertriebenenverbaende im politischen und gesellschaftlichen Leben der Bundesrepublik Deutschland keine wirklich bedeutsame Rolle mehr spielen.
Erst der vergangenheitspolitische Streit ueber das von den Vertriebenenverbaenden geforderte und ausserhalb Deutschlands fast einhellig abgelehnte Zentrum gegen Vertreibungen reanimierte wieder ein groesseres sozial- und geschichtswissenschaftliches Interesse an diesem Gegenstand. Auch wenn der Titel eine etwas anders angelegte Untersuchung vermuten laesst, stellt die von Pertti Ahonen vorgelegte Arbeit After the Expulsion: West Germany and Eastern Europe eine in diesem Zusammenhang bemerkenswerte Studie zur Geschichte der deutschen Vertriebenenverbaende als einem der einflussreichsten aussenpolitischen Interessenverbaende der fruehen Bundesrepublik dar.
Ahonen hat dabei eine ueberaus materialreiche und faktengesaettigte Studie vorgelegt, die hinsichtlich ihrer quantitativen Breite ihresgleichen sucht. Auch wenn man dem Autor in seinen Interpretationen des Verhaeltnisses von bundesdeutscher Regierungs- und Parteipolitik auf der einen und den Vertriebenenverbaenden auf der anderen Seite nicht immer zustimmen kann, ist ihm alles in allem ein Werk gelungen, das ueber weite Strecken historische Hintergruende und politische Zusammenhaenge der Thematik auf substanzielle Weise erhellt.
Ahonen untergliedert seine Darstellung der Beziehungen und Wechselverhaeltnisse von deutscher Regierungspolitik und Vertriebenenverbaenden in drei grosse Etappen, wobei er das Vertriebenenproblem zurecht als "crucial link between the internal and external levels of West German politics" beschreibt p. Die erste Etappe war gepraegt von der Aufnahme der Fluechtlinge in Westdeutschland, ihrer Integration ins bundesdeutsche Wirtschafts- und Sozialgefuege und der Entstehung von organisatorischen Strukturen als Interessenvertretungen der Fluechtlinge und Vertriebenen.
Die Vertriebenenorganisationen entstanden dabei in einer Parallelstruktur aus einerseits auf soziale Integration und finanzielle Alimentation bedachten Verbaenden mit primaer innenpolitischer Intention und andererseits heimat-und volkstumspolitischen Organisationen mit staerker aussenpolitischer Ausrichtung, wobei Ahonen zutreffend darauf hinweist, dass "social demands constituted only a secondary interest, a 'short-term goal,' for the expellee activists, whose primary 'long-term objective' remained? Mit dem erfolgreichen Fortschritt der sozialen und oekonomischen Integration der Fluechtlinge im Laufe der er Jahre wurden die aussenpolitischen Forderungen nach Realisierung eines "Rechtes auf die Heimat" dann auch immer staerker oeffentlich akzentuiert, die die Vertriebenenverbaende durch eine eigenwillige Lesart und voelkische Uminterpretation des Selbstbestimmungsrechts theoretisch anzureichern versuchten.
Die Bundesregierung stimmte aufgrund der Einbindung Westdeutschlands in den Ost-West-Konflikt, der Blockkonfrontation sowie der eingeschraenkten staatlichen Souveraenitaet ihre Zustimmung zu den insgesamt sehr weitreichenden Forderungen der Vertriebenenverbaende auf internationalem Parkett dabei stets diplomatisch auf ihr zentrales Ziel der Vereinigung von BRD und DDR ab. Diese Strategie in Bezug auf die aussenpolitischen Forderungen der Vertriebenenverbaende schlug sich auch im Verhalten der politischen Parteien nieder: "While endorsing, in principle, these expellees' right to their homelands, party leaders rejected explicit territorial claims to the areas in question and insisted, with an often confusing logic, that the Heimatrecht had nothing to do with revisionist ambitions" p.
Die zweite Etappe der bundesdeutschen Vertriebenenpolitik umfasst nach Ahonens Klassifizierung die Zeit von bis , in der insbesondere der praktische Einfluss der Vertriebenenverbaende auf die Ostpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zum Tragen kam. Entscheidend gepraegt wurde diese Zeit durch die Gruendung des Dachverbandes Bund der Vertriebenen BdV , der die Parallelstrukturen der Vertriebenenorganisationen integrierte und Selbstangaben zufolge seither rund zwei Millionen Mitglieder vertritt.
Die organisatorische Vereinheitlichung machte den BdV zu einer einflussreichen pressure group mit "two million additional votes" p. In diesem Zusammenhang macht Ahonen auf ein bisher unbekanntes, wissenschaftlich interessantes und politisch ueberaus pikantes Detail aufmerksam: naemlich dass die Vertriebenenverbaende bereits seit Anfang der er Jahre unter erheblichem Mitgliederschwund litten und statt der offiziell noch bis heute! Waehrend die Vertriebenenverbaende unter den CDU-gefuehrten Bundesregierungen bis Mitte der er Jahre stets eine bedeutende Rolle gespielt hatten, aenderte sich dies bereits in der Phase der Grossen Koalition, in der sich gesellschaftlich entspannungspolitische Ansaetze andeuteten, die ihren politischen Hoehepunkt in der Neuen Ostpolitik der sozialliberalen Koalition seit fanden.
Ahonen beschreibt diese Phase von bis als "Collapse of the Pattern" p. So ueberzeugend, detailgenau und belegreich die Darstellung der Zeit bis bei Ahonen ist, so ungenau wird leider seine Analyse der Rolle der Vertriebenenverbaende waehrend der sozialliberalen Koalition und der beginnenden Aera der Regierung Kohl.
Bereits der Umfang des Unterkapitels From the New Ostpolitik to Reunification, mit lediglich 23 Seiten fuer einen Zeitraum von ueber 20 Jahren deutet diese Schwachstelle an waehrend--zum Vergleich--den 21 Jahren von bis rund Seiten gewidmet sind. Inhaltlich betrachtet ignoriert Ahonen dann auch die grundlegende aussenpolitische Neuorientierung der Vertriebenenverbaende seit Anfang der er Jahre fast voellig, die erhebliche Bedeutung fuer das Agieren der Vertriebenenverbaende in den er und er Jahren zunaechst in theoretischer, seit den er Jahren dann auch in praktischer Dimension hatte: die Ausrichtung auf das Konzept eines europaeischen Volksgruppenrechts, dessen Ziel die ethnische Segmentierung der osteuropaeischen Nationalstaaten ist, vermittels derer das geforderte "Recht auf die Heimat" ohne territoriale Annexion umgesetzt werden soll.
Eine genauere Analyse dieser Modifikationen der aussenpolitischen Konzepte der Vertriebenenverbaende haette dann auch zeigen muessen, dass Ahonens These des Bedeutungsverlustes der Vertriebenenverbaende zwar sicher auf die Zeit der sozialliberalen Koalition zutrifft, aber ungeachtet aller Veraenderungen im Verhaeltnis von Vertriebenenverbaenden und bundesdeutscher Regierung fuer die konservative Regierung seit schlichtweg falsch ist.
Somit haette es der Arbeit insgesamt auch deutlich besser getan, die Analyse mit dem Jahr abzuschliessen, statt krampfhaft die These einer kontinuierlichen Abnahme der Bedeutung der Vertriebenenverbaende bis in die er Jahre zu verfolgen. Ahonen beschraenkt sich in seiner Darstellung auf eine lediglich nominelle Erwaehnung des Volksgruppenrechtskonzepts als "most important new item in the expellee rhetoric of the early s" p.
Die zentralen Ergebnisse der Taetigkeit dieser Arbeitsgruppe sind aber auch in einem dreibaendigen Werk publiziert worden. Theodor Veiter, ed. Bramueller, ; 2. Bramueller, ; 3. Bramueller, Citation: Samuel Salzborn. Der Weltkrieg Ereignis und Erinnerung. Deutsches Historisches Museum, Berlin. If one can assume that the attention span of your average museum-goer and your average student sitting in a lecture hall are roughly similar, then this perspective encourages both circumspection and sympathy for what the curators were trying to achieve.
The task is complicated by the various levels of distance between the current audience and the Great War and the fact that German public consciousness of twentieth-century wars is dominated by World War II. Is it necessary to educate a German audience about the basic facts of the war, or should one pick a more limited theme? Should the German experience predominate, or should the focus be on international comparison?
Is international comparison the best way of contextualizing the German experience, or would one do better to focus on developments in German politics and society? The choice of exhibition pieces as well as the texts, optional taped commentary, and accompanying catalogue all provide evidence that the curators had asked themselves these questions. But I am not sure that I agree with their answers. More importantly, the ultimate success of the exhibition hinged on the ability to convey the intended message in a way that did not demand extensive background knowledge or a pre-reading of the catalogue.
It is on this level--and despite a fascinating and varied selection of artifacts--that the exhibition failed to satisfy. The catalogue certainly reveals the curators' intimate engagement with historiographical debates on the Great War and their ambitions to live up to the international standards of other WWI museums and exhibits.
This is demonstrated not least by the excellent contributions they solicited for the catalogue by top historians in the field. These carefully crafted, synthetic articles demonstrate the degree to which this exhibition was based on the very best and most up-to-date scholarship on the war. But in the process of translating this theoretical knowledge into the more concrete choices within the exhibit, I would argue that the curators lost sight of what museums do best: presenting one story in an emotionally powerful way.
One would have to know the history of how the curators went about choosing and collecting their artifacts to truly judge how well they succeeded in finding a balance between thematic clarity and symbolic richness. Nevertheless, the sheer quantity of thematic sections an introductory hall, three main sections, with a total of thirty-nine subheadings certainly represents a deliberate organizational choice. Everything from high political events, through cultural and popular reactions, the trench experience, technological and strategic innovations, the misery and social experience of the injured, artifacts showing the varied experience of at least twelve countries, and the social and cultural aftermath of the war is represented.
It is unclear, however, whether the plan was really to present an absolutely comprehensive picture of the war, especially because this was a temporary exhibition and not a permanent installation. But reading between the lines and comparing the text to the displays, I think that it is more likely that no agreement was ever reached as to the main purpose of the exhibition.
Several voices are apparent in both the choice and the arrangement of artifacts. It is perhaps telling that in their catalogue introduction, the curators follow their claim to be presenting a limited view with the statement that the main components of the exhibition are to be "the event, its consequences, [and] the forms of memory concerning the world war. One might object, of course, that historical exhibits should try to be as comprehensive as possible, given the rarity of the objects they display and the vast ignorance of history that they are helping to redress.
A rapid succession of display cases moved the visitor from politics paintings of the European monarchs to culture posters from the Paris World Exhibition and a sculpture of the ballet dancer Nijinkski to oppositional movements anti-war novels, Karl Kraus making a speech in Vienna and the assassination of Arch Duke Francis Ferdinand. Before we know it, we are at the Christmas truce of as seen through photographs. The shortcuts here can certainly be forgiven, given that all of this is just an introduction to the main "experience" theme of the exhibition.
Once there, however, the visitor is overwhelmed by so many different aspects of experience--military stalemate, occupation, the front, decision makers their experience? In the subsection entitled "Space," we have a collection apparently meant for the inevitable collectors and military buffs--strategic plans, aerial reconnaissance pictures, a diorama of a trench, various small weapons and models of larger ones, a British trench joist, wire, shovels, scissors, etc.
The inclusion of large numbers of foreign artifacts in each section initially seemed intriguing, and it is certainly rare to see the war represented in this way, without the jingoism common in more traditional military-centered exhibitions. The large percentage of the exhibition dealing with the Eastern Front was also entirely appropriate and, especially in the German context, provided a valuable corrective to the common over-emphasis on the Western Front.
One must also admit that this international focus follows a trend in the academic literature that is in general laudable. I would argue that the ultimate effect was actually to hide rather than to elucidate the German story. A cynic might even suggest that the understandable unwillingness to display nationalist fervor was in this case a convenient way of avoiding dealing with the more uncomfortable aspects of the war from the German perspective. The "Griff nach der Weltmacht" argument that views Germany's quest for a "place in the sun" as a key cause of WWI was not highlighted in the introductory display cases.
Nor did we find any direct reference to the personal responsibility of German, or other national leaders for the cause of the war, despite Stig Foerster's powerful argument to this effect in the exhibition catalogue. Various exhibition pieces, particularly a small room with television screens showing films from the Nazi era, were clearly meant to demonstrate that the rise of the Nazis would have been unimaginable without WWI.
But the film clips of political speeches and the Olympics shown here are just too well known to have any explanatory power in this context, and one could have made much better use of this space by showing much more rarely shown footage from the war itself or from its immediate aftermath. Explicating the link between the two World Wars and particularly the contribution of the German experience in WWI to the rise of the Nazis was a laudable goal for this exhibition.
But why does every twentieth-century German exhibition have to show footage of Nazis marching? For example, while a collection of propaganda posters in the final "memory" section of the exhibition did deal with the war crimes committed by German troops and others , the link between these crimes and specific political attitudes is made much more explicitly in the catalogue than in the exhibition's explanatory plates. One senses that an attempt was made to spare the sensibilities of the visiting German public.
For instance, one display case contained a message in a bottle found during the excavations for a new Allied war memorial in Chaulnes. The th Hessian Infantry Regiment had left the bottle there in , at the foot of a cemetery and memorial that they had constructed for their fallen comrades. The curators' decision to include this very symbolic and emotionally powerful object is perfectly understandable.
But I was baffled that they failed to provide the text of the message, even though one could see legible words inside the paper roll. Similarly, we see a box full of love letters written between German soldier Hermann Kraenzlein and his wife Eva without being allowed to read the text of a single one of them. I can find no obvious explanation for this failure to maximize the impact of these artifacts and satisfy the visitors' natural curiosity about them. Anyone interested in any aspect of WWI would have found something of interest. The curators' very comprehensive approach meant that topics rarely dealt with in more traditional collections such as soldiers' visits to brothels or the culture of POW camps were richly portrayed.
My interpretation that the curators were attempting to shield German sensibilities might well be the result of my own limited attention span in that I may have simply missed clarifications or specific displays. There really was far more here than a museum visitor could digest in a single visit. I did notice, for instance, that the taped commentary often explained the significance of the displays in far more detail than did the textual plates. On the other hand, should exhibitions rely on the willingness of visitors to rent these tapes something I would normally never do?
- Melton Prior Institut.
- Pocket Guide to Micronutrients in Health and Disease.
- Everything Gets Over, The Story of Lena my Lancashire Mum.
- New House!
In the end, I would still argue that the organization and presentation of the displays as opposed to the essays in the catalogue made it extremely difficult to determine what exactly this exhibition was meant to teach us about the Great War. We inevitably view them as accompaniments to what we do and expect them to serve our purposes of educating the public.
Given our own frustrations in trying to educate our students about events like WWI without flooding them with too many facts and too many impressions, we should perhaps be more forgiving of those who have a natural tendency to display every wonderful artifact that they can lay their hands on. But it is this very perspective that also leads to my critique that one must limit one's perspective if one wants to successfully deliver any message at all. Weltkrieg und die Folgen: Die Ur-Katastrophe des Citation: Annette Timm.
Review of , Der Weltkrieg Ereignis und Erinnerung. August, Francisca Loetz. Francisca Loetz's fascinating examination of blasphemy and its prosecution in early modern Zurich serves as a vivid illustration of the lethal power that words could possess in early modern Europe. With Mit Gott handeln , Francisca Loetz delivers a detailed and interesting analysis of blasphemy and blasphemy prosecution in early modern Zurich that situates the offense--in essence a verbal assault on the honor of God--within the religious culture of the period.
Drawing on the theoretical insights of innovative cultural historians like Ute Daniel, Loetz seeks to use blasphemy as a key for unlocking early modern religiosity, for delving into contemporary notions of belief and unbelief. Loetz's contribution, a thorough examination of blasphemy prosecution in Zurich between the late-fifteenth and early-eighteenth centuries, richly set within its contemporary cultural context, maintains the high standards set by earlier examples of the series. Mit Gott handeln is likewise a valuable contribution to one of the most energetic debates in recent Anglo-German historiography, concerning the application of social control in early modern Europe.
Loetz's monograph confronts the most important contributions of the past sixty-five years, including the theories of Norbert Elias and Gerhard Oestreich whose models, known as the "Civilizing Process" and "Sozialdisziplinierung" respectively, she groups together under the rubric "Disziplinierungsparadigma" , Wolfgang Reinhard and Heinz Schilling "Konfessionalisierung" , as well as recent works that situate early modern social control initiatives in terms of gradual cultural shifts involving increasing secularization and the imposition of new elite cultural norms "Akkulturationsprozesse".
Loetz begins her examination of blasphemy in Zurich with a detailed description of religious developments in the territory during the sixteenth century. A thorough examination of theological understandings of blasphemy, drawn from the writings of Zwingli and Bullinger, provides a basis for Loetz's arguments concerning the tension between irreligious speech and orthodox religiosity.
Loetz's treatment of secular legislation aimed at discouraging blasphemy is just as thorough, tracing the development of anti-blasphemy legislation in Zurich from its origins in an official mandate from until such legislation began to fade in the early-eighteenth century. This section includes a methodologically sophisticated examination of the source material upon which her study is based. Here Loetz provides an exhaustive examination of the current "Forschungstand" in the study of early modern criminality and social control.
Her lucid discussion of this important area of historiography is among the strongest elements of the book, and highlights the central issues that divide major explanations of social control and disciplining. A particularly useful part of Loetz's discussion of the theoretical and methodological approaches most relevant to her topic is her treatment of recent approaches to the texts generated by early modern authorities e. Here Loetz's explanation of how her own interpretations of the source material from the Zurich archives differs from accounts that treat legal records as purely "fictional" texts is most interesting.
For scholars interested in criminality and social control as well as innovative ways of interpreting archival sources, Loetz's lucid presentation of these historiographical and methodological issues makes this book a useful addition to their research library. Loetz's examination of blasphemy cases from early modern Zurich and their social meaning begins with an analysis of official sanctions against this form of behavior and an examination of the energetic official campaign to detect and punish blasphemers drawn from extensive archival research.
Loetz provides a thorough statistical analysis of blasphemy prosecution trends in early modern Zurich from a comparative perspective, weighing local blasphemy penalties against sanctions for other offenses in Zurich and in other territories. Her research indicates that secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Zurich punished over blasphemers between and , applying penalties that ranged from fines and public humiliation to banishment and even capital punishment. Loetz fleshes out this statistical analysis with a wealth of examples drawn from Zurich's criminal archives.
While Loetz's analysis of the official campaign against blasphemy focuses on consideration of the aims of both secular and ecclesiastical authorities in Zurich, it does not neglect unofficial "horizontal" regulation of public behavior that was so crucial to early modern moral initiatives.
In this context her examination of popular participation in criminal prosecution through denouncing blasphemers and through extrajudicial regulation are path-breaking.
Related Das jüdische Motiv Heinrich Heines im König David (German Edition)
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